Drafty in the Trenches: Russo-Ukrainian War Reaches Familiar Stalemate Stage

Between the 5th and 12th September 1914 the First Battle of the Marne was fought between French (with British support) and German troops to the east of Paris. Casualties across both sides totalled more than 500,000. Having enacted the Schlieffen Plan to advance through neutral Belgium and invade France in August, the battle marked the end of Germany’s ambitions to secure a 40-day conquest over its neighbour. Over the next four years, a bloody war of attrition would be fought across what came to be known as the Western Front, a hopeless stalemate which resulted in millions being slaughtered.

French infantry holding a defensive position during the First Battle of the Marne. Source: British Battles

Whilst the Russo-Ukrainian War is incomparable in scope to World War One (WWI), a similar stalemate has set in with no obvious prospect of it being broken on the battlefield. Having halted, and in some areas pushed back, Moscow’s initial invasion forces, the Ukrainian counter-offensive has struggled to advance, whilst Russia’s offensive efforts have been characterised by military failures and appalling morale. Estimates on the number of dead and injured vary wildly, but as of August 2023 US officials calculated almost 500,000 casualties amongst the armed forces of Russia and Ukraine. Over 11,000 Ukrainian civilians have been killed.

Source: Wikimedia Commons

Although the war has witnessed the deployment of modern technology such as drones, hypersonic missiles and artificial intelligence, the battlefield is characterised by a form of warfare not too dissimilar to WWI. Trench systems, artillery barrages, gun battles, tank advances. The same tactics deployed to insufficient affect over a century ago remain a staple of this twenty-first century conflict. It is turgid, bloody fighting, each side testing the other’s resolve, defensive lines easier to hold than to break.

WWI dragged on because of the refusal of political and military leaders to compromise. Whilst some may have chosen to remain oblivious to the carnage, most were aware and yet chose to do nothing, or failed to impose their will. What by the end of 1914 was an evident fact – that the stalemate on the Western Front would hold despite the millions of bodies and tonnes of ammunition each side was throwing at one another – did nothing to bring about a ceasefire. This is not particularly surprising, for both the Central Powers and Allied Powers had very different ambitions, and very different standpoints on who had provoked the war. Compromise could not easily be sold to populations forced into war and the more men that were sent off to die, the harder it became to justify anything other than absolute victory.

A familiar image of WWI: trench warfare. Source: Britannica

Russia and Ukraine are approaching a similar situation, if they have not already reached it. Vladimir Putin has justified the war both to himself and the Russian people as one of historical destiny, a rightful unification of a homogenous group of people. His failure to win a quick victory means that any negotiation to conclude the conflict without the affirmation of meaningful territorial gains for Russia would be a humiliation. For Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, nothing but the complete removal of Russian forces from his country – including the Crimea which was annexed in 2014 – is palatable.

Zelensky is in a difficult situation. The war has been fought exclusively on Ukrainian land, has devastated the country’s economy and resulted in thousands of civilian casualties. To maintain the stalemate – let alone succeed with his counter-offensive – means continually convincing his European and American allies to financially support the Ukrainian war effort, however unpopular it may be in the host countries. Each month that goes by the suffering of his people increases, with no end in sight. Putin, meanwhile, having retained domestic and a large degree of international support, can afford to wait.

Over a century later and trenches remain the order of the day in the Russo-Ukrainian War. Source: The Japan Times

The French, with their British allies, were like the Ukrainians fighting to evict an invading force from their territory. The Germans, meanwhile, were driven by a sense of historical destiny and a political-military hierarchy with delusions of grandeur, much like Russia today. Retreat would have been unthinkable despite the decimation of the nation’s youth.

It took the American entry into the war in 1917 for the tide to turn against Germany on the Western Front. Still, the fighting dragged on and the Germans launched a final desperate offensive in the Second Battle of the Marne in July 1918. Its failure and subsequent Allied advance ultimately convinced the country’s leaders to sue for peace.

German prisoners under guard as they carry wounded French and British soldiers during the Second Battle of the Marne. Source: IWM

For a decisive break in the Russo-Ukrainian War, either Russia’s major international ally China would have to throw its weight behind Kyiv, or the USA – perhaps under a Republican presidency – would have to abandon the Ukrainian cause. With neither prospect in immediate sight, the stalemate will persist.

Despite the disturbing parallels from history, life will continue to be sacrificed until a seismic rupture in proceedings can be enacted.

Kim Comes Bearing Arms: Putin Rolls Out Red Carpet in Sign of Desperation

In April 1950 Kim Il-sung, the leader of North Korea, travelled by armoured train to Moscow to meet Joseph Stalin. Kim’s visit was to request military support for his impending invasion of South Korea from the Soviet dictator. Stalin agreed to send Pyongyang experienced World War Two military advisors, in addition to huge shipments of weapons and supplies. It followed a similar visit by Kim in March 1949, in which he pleaded for economic, technical and cultural assistance from the Soviets in his bid to build a flourishing communist society.

Kim Il-sung with Stalin. Source: LinkedIn

Having seemingly been convinced that the USA would not intervene in a war on the Korean Peninsula, Stalin had purportedly given Kim his blessing for the planned invasion at the start of 1950. Having had the seal of approval from the leader of the communist world, and backed by promises of weapons, Kim authorised the attack against his southern neighbours in June 1950.

The Korean War lasted for three years, embroiled not only the USA but also communist China, resulted in upwards of 2 million combatant casualties and perhaps 3 million civilian deaths. The Korean Peninsula remained divided between diametrically opposed states, who have not signed a peace treaty formally ending the war more than 70 years after an armistice was declared.

A US Air Force fighter pursues a Soviet MiG-15 during the Korean War. Source: National Museum of the United States Air Force

Fast-forward to 2023 and another North Korean leader, Kim Il-sung’s grandson Kim Jong-un, is planning his own trip to Russia in his armoured train. He will be granted an audience by Stalin’s successor, a man with similarly brutal and megalomaniacal tendencies, Vladimir Putin. Only this time the younger Kim will not be coming cap-in-hand asking for favours. Instead, he will likely be looking to finalise the sale of North Korean arms to Russia as Putin continues to wage his war against neighbouring Ukraine.

The extent and quality of North Korea’s weapons inventory is unknown. Yet, given that the country spends a disproportionate amount of its GDP on its military, at the expense of its starving, impoverished people, there is clearly a deal to be done with Moscow. Indeed, American sources suggest that Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu begged Kim for weapons when he visited North Korea in July.

Kim shows off his missile collection to Sergei Shoigu. Source: BBC News

It would be inconceivable to think of previous Russian rulers asking for material support from North Korea. The Hermit Kingdom maintains very few bilateral ties given its isolationist tendencies, relies heavily on China for its survival and sees wild policy swings based on the whims of its leaders. A far from dependable ally, it is surely a sign of Putin’s desperation that he is calling Kim to town.

Last year Pyongyang recognised the illegal breakaway republics of Luhansk and Donetsk, before offering to send Russia 100,000 of its own troops to fight in the Donbas. Even Stalin refused to commit Soviet personnel to the frontlines in Korea in 1950.

Whilst Russia has maintained relations with North Korea since its founding in 1948, and the two countries share a short international border, the Kremlin has traditionally been wary of bolstering the Kim regime too much. Pyongyang’s nuclear sabre-rattling understandably concerns its giant neighbour and Russia has sided with the other great powers at the UN Security Council in a bid to slow the pace of North Korea’s nuclear development. That is unlikely to happen now, with Putin himself threatening to use nuclear weapons in Ukraine and Kim likely to extract every concession he can from any arms deal with Russia.

Kim met Putin in Vladivostok in 2019. Source: Sky News

What price Kim might squeeze from President Putin is a worrying, and unknowable, prospect. It is hard to imagine Joseph Stalin plummeting to such desperate depths, unthinkable that he might transfer advanced weapons technology to the Kim regime. But Putin might and he might soon. His depravity knows no bounds, his obsession with bringing Ukraine to heel seemingly untameable. When Kim Jong-un sees the red carpet unfurled in front of his armoured train, he will be taking a famous step in his country’s short and eclectic history.