Over and Over Again: As at Gallipoli so in Afghanistan

Critics may charge that following this course would meet the definition of insanity—which, as that old adage has it, is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result.

So write Kosh Sadat and retired US Army General Stan McChrystal about America’s persisting strategy of train & assist and limited engagement in Afghanistan. For them, there are no better alternatives.

America’s longest war drags on

Perhaps this almost inevitable status quo – unchanged by the small additional deployment of troops authorised by President Trump – is why Afghanistan fails to ignite passions in the same way as it used to amongst Western publics?

Indeed the same could almost be said of the civil war in Syria, which no longer dominates the headlines as in years past. When President Bashar al-Assad seemed on the verge of defeat, or when he turned the tables and subjected his countrymen to savage military reprisals, or when the Islamic State overran vast swathes of the battered nation…then you couldn’t pick up a newspaper without seeing the word ‘Syria’ on the front page.

Now, with Assad pretty much back in control, the rebels subdued if not eradicated, and IS on the run from a motley coalition of Syrian, Iranian and Russian troops – perversely backed by American air power – the same air of inevitability as with Afghanistan has set in. Whereas America’s longest war looks set to continue in perpetuity, Syria almost certainly looks set to be rebuilt in Assad’s image, whatever Western leaders may desire.

The Assad regime’s destruction of Aleppo drew worldwide attention only a couple of years ago. Now the city is firmly back in his grasp

This selective war fatigue, for lack of a better term, is not unique. Citizens, and the journalists who thrive off their reaction, need to be shocked to allow events to remain at the forefronts of their minds. Donald Trump’s ascendancy to the presidency has therefore contributed to ‘bigger issues’ being increasingly overlooked.

Car bombings in Baghdad or drone strikes in Syria just doesn’t register with people in the same way that a mass shooting or a lorry ramming into civilians on home soil does.

Even global war cannot alter this fickle public temperament, the extremities of the time forming unfathomable perceptions about what constitutes a noteworthy event.

Take the First World War and, as an example, the comparison between British public reaction to happenings on the Western Front and during the Dardanelles Campaign.

On the charge during the Battle of Verdun

For the British, the Turks were not the real enemy; that dishonour belonged to the Germans and the tragedy of the Western Front consumed everyone back at home.

Even General Charles Monro, who had replaced Ian Hamilton has commander of the Allied forces at Gallipoli in October 1915, had no time for this Levantine Front. He wanted to kill Germans in France and Belgium and he wanted his soldiers to have the opportunity to do likewise.

Similar parallels can be drawn with today, with the likes of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda now viewed as little more than a distant menace rather than the fear-inspiring terrorists of post-9/11. IS and the ‘lone wolf’ or ‘deranged gunman’ have taken their place in the public consciousness.

Al-Qaeda was seared into the public consciousness by inspiring images such as this

Like Sadat and McChrystal’s assessment of the ongoing war in Afghanistan, Allied tactics during WWI involved doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result. This was as true of the Dardanelles Campaign as it was of the Western Front, with trench warfare, and the incessant shelling that accompanied it, favoured over more adventurous strategies.

There were calls for Naval action in Turkey and, of course, this was how the campaign had begun, with the Royal Navy very narrowly failing to force through the Ottoman defences and minefields to gain a run on Constantinople. Pleas for a repeat performance were rejected by Monro; he wanted to kill Germans and he wanted the peninsula evacuated. End of.

An Allied shanty town at Gallipoli: the endless waiting, the lack of progress and the public detachment have erased the campaign from many memories

Whereas the Dardanelles received relatively little press coverage or public attention back in Britain, however, the Western Front was a never-ending topic for conversation and commiseration. Equally monotonous as Gallipoli may the tactics have been, yet the casualties and the carnage were simply monstrous. What’s more, they were visible.

Soldiers returning wounded or on leave from the French and Belgian battlefields told their stories with an uncompromising forthrightness. Those injured fighting the Turks were usually evacuated to the Greek islands under British military control. Nobody back home saw them.

Soldiers wounded on the Western Front engage in a spot of croquet

Today the number of American casualties in Afghanistan is minimal, whilst the British have as good as left. As with Gallipoli in the Winter of 1915/16 they left defeated, whatever spin the Government tried to put on the 2014 withdrawal.

Helmand province, a territory that claimed scores of British lives at the height of public awareness in the late 2000s, is now back under Taliban control. Death and humiliation; perhaps that is why memories fade so fast.

As the number of American troops in Afghanistan has significantly declined, so have casualties and, simultaneously, public attention

The British and their Allies won the war against the Ottomans in the end and the Dardanelles Campaign almost single-handedly created an ANZAC identity. Yet how many British schoolchildren could tell you anything about Gallipoli? Of Suvla Bay? Of Winston Churchill’s pivotal role? Of Mustafa Kemal and the beginning of a Turkish legend?

Suvla Bay just before the evacuation of the Gallipoli peninsula

Probably too few…the Western Front, on the other hand, lives on, commemorated and venerated a century later in as forceful a manner as it was reported on at the time.

America’s involvement in its longest war will end, as Britain’s understated hand in Afghanistan already has. How it will be remembered remains to be seen, though one doubts it will trouble the annals in the same way as Vietnam, as Verdun and Ypres or Normandy, maybe even as Iraq.

It is a pity because for so many the commitment hasn’t died and never will. There is a cause to fight for, be it with drones, small arms or simply compromise. Stated in the most basic of terms, the war in Afghanistan can be won but the need for political capital and will is wanting. With a disinterested public, that will remain the case.

And so we drift, as at Gallipoli, waiting for a new Front to fight on, to capture the public’s attention, to spur the politicians into action, to do something new…before it all slowly fades away into dust.

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The ‘Mine Beneath the Sea’: resource extraction in a day of ingenuity

The Cornish landscape is strewn with reminders of its industrial – not to mention industrious – past, a throwback to the ‘good old days’ of British ingenuity and invention.

Long disused chimney stacks stand sentinel above the wind-battered coastlines, their silent reverie eerie yet captivating. Ramblers and dog-walkers step over concrete plinths and rubble-strewn compounds, the bricks stamped with the emblems of manufacturers long since liquidated.

On a recent visit to the Southwest I visited one of the better-preserved bastions of Cornwall’s industrial archaeology. The Levant Mine at Pendeen is managed by the National Trust and provides a snapshot of a long-forgotten era in British history. It was an era of exploration and extraction, of daring commercial ventures and technical gambles, of wondrous profit and devastating loss.

‘The mine beneath the sea’ as it came to be known, Levant opened in 1820 as a copper concern. Located on a remote, windswept headland, one can only imagine the conditions working at the surface, let alone down in the murky depths.

By the 1850s tin had become the major preoccupation, with tunnels reaching out more than 1.5km into the sea, an incredible feat of engineering given the relatively primitive technology of the day.

Surface workings at Levant Mine c. 1910. Formed with a capital of £400, the mine made £170,000 from copper in its first 20 years. In its heyday it employed 320 men, 44 women and 186 children

Hoisted to the surface by beam engine, the mined materials were then transported by an internal tramway system to the dressing floors where the valuable ores were separated from the worthless rockface by women and children.

Not satisfied with manpower alone, dedicated pit ponies were hoisted down the shafts tail first where they were fed and stabled for up to three-year periods without seeing daylight. Their ability to lug wagons full of ore from beneath the sea bed to the foot of the shafts was invaluable, though how happy the poor beasts were in their subterranean netherworld is another matter.

Either way, Levant remained one of Cornwall’s most productive mines throughout the rest of the 19th century and it only closed in 1930 when further extraction became uneconomical.

Today such enterprises draw scorn (particularly in the Western world), the environmental, financial and political costs often considered too great for an idea of merit to be pursued.  This is not to advocate a resurrection of the British mining industry but the regulations surrounding the exploitation of natural resources dissuades the type of ingenuity embodied by the Levant Mine.

This is particularly important when it comes to energy security.

With our staple energy reserves of oil and coal fast depleting, a renewed mistrust in nuclear power after Fukushima, and a contested environmental debate regarding fracking, where is the spark of tomorrow to come from?

Scotland has recently put a moratorium on fracking

Renewable energy is seen as the great hope, a relatively uncontroversial and inherently safe source, though heavily reliant on the unpredictable elements. Solar and wind farms will continue to spring up, their dull, sanitised designs unable to hide the flaws in the policies behind their propagation.

What of human ingenuity? What of the great engineering discoveries of the future? Doubtless we are capable of ever deeper oil extraction, of drilling into the earth’s core to harness geothermal energy, of converting disused quarries into pumped storage facilities. But who is backing our engineers, our geologists, our scientists?

Iceland proposes to drill boreholes more than 5km into the earth to harness geothermal energy but such techniques are likely to receive short shrift elsewhere

The private sector can only do so much, and companies investing in the power of tomorrow are often put off by a lack of governmental support or initiative. The political concerns of the few – whether it be a need to appease environmental groups or vote-winning constituencies – tend to outweigh the needs of the majority.

This is not the 19th century and, to be honest, that’s a good thing. But the overregulated, intellectually and technologically stifling climate of the 21st century certainly has its pitfalls.

You will not get another Levant Mine, especially not in the UK. At least as a monument, it stands as a reminder of what we have sacrificed in the name of inclusivity, consensus and caution.

Gone are the days when people, and companies, could just do things.

May Ignores Heath Folly and Pays the Ultimate Price

A couple of months ago, I mused in these pages whether Theresa May’s decision to call a snap general election would backfire, as it did when her predecessor Edward Heath took a similar decision back in February 1974.

As it transpires, May’s gamble has not paid off. Although her Conservative Party garnered the most votes in the 8th June election and remains the largest within the House of Commons, a surge by Labour has resulted in a hung parliament and the end of the Tory majority.

Theresa May’s tenure at 10 Downing Street looks increasingly untenable

The prelude, campaign and results of the 2017 general election mirror those of 1974. Tory overconfidence against a seemingly disunited opposition, a lacklustre campaign compounded by policy errors and weak manifestos, and ultimately a hung parliament (although it is worth noting that Heath’s Conservatives were not even the largest party, losing by 4 seats to Harold Wilson’s Labour).

As in 1974, also, the immediate future is unclear. May has vowed to soldier on as Prime Minister, even though her minority government is now reliant on an unlikely kingmaker to pass its desired legislation: the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The DUP sits even further to the right than the Tories on the political spectrum, its Eurosceptic, socially conservative views at odds with those of much of the British populace.

For years the DUP was led by the formidable Ian Paisley as a staunch opposition to Republicanism in Ireland

Even were May to win a loose alignment with the DUP – necessarily giving the Northern Irish party influence way beyond its 10 seats – she would still need to maintain the loyalty of Tory backbenchers, certainly not guaranteed.

The alternatives, however, are hardly appealing. May’s resignation would trigger a Tory leadership contest and probably another general election, something the British electorate is unlikely to have energy for.

Alternatively, there is the prospect of a minority Labour government under the stewardship of Jeremy Corbyn. Corbyn has proved himself a competent campaigner, his skills honed by years of futile protesting against almost every policy any government has ever advocated. The chances of him being an effective PM, however, are slim, with Labour’s wild campaign promises surely not capable of being fulfilled in government.

Corbyn has hailed Labour’s election defeat as a victory, yet it is unlikely that he would be able to live up to his campaign promises were he to become Prime Minister

Mrs May will know that Heath’s attempts to form a coalition government in 1974 failed, prompting his resignation. Wilson’s minority Labour government hung on until a second election of the year (held in October) delivered him a narrow majority.

With Brexit negotiations yet to begin in earnest, threats to Britain’s security seemingly increasing by the day, and economic recovery still ponderous, all we know for certain is that the country is in for an uncertain few months.

How Mrs May must regret not taking heed of history and allowing her majority, albeit narrow, to steer Britain ahead through the choppiest of waters.

Edward Heath heads to the polling station in 1974. He would be out of office within days