Corbyn Draws Unwanted Parallel with Hardie: Labour’s Anti-Semitism Crisis

Wherever there is trouble in Europe, wherever rumours of war circulate and men’s minds are distraught with fear of change and calamity, you may be sure that a hooked-nosed Rothschild is at his games somewhere near the region of the disturbances.

No this isn’t Jeremy Corbyn, nor is it one of the Labour Party’s unsubtle Jewish detractors. Rather, it is Keir Hardie, Labour’s first Member of Parliament (MP), writing in his Labour Leader paper of 1891.

James Keir Hardie (1856-1915)

Over a century later, one would think that Labour’s current leader has revived such uncouth sentiment, with Mr Corbyn’s handling of the current anti-semitism debate threatening to tear apart the British Left.

Indeed, the fact that the party’s National Executive Committee has been forced to convene to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s full definition of what anti-semitism actually means, demonstrates the mess Corbyn has made of the situation.

Labour’s National Executive Committee meeting attracted both pro and anti-Corbyn demonstrators

If he had acted more vehemently in response to Naz Shah and Ken Livingstone’s foolish comments, it is unlikely this melodrama would have occurred, and the Conservative Party would not be enjoying a surprise respite amidst its own Brexit troubles.

Much of the early Labour Party antipathy towards the Jews was a result of its members socialist, anti-capitalist worldview. With Jewish people seemingly occupying a disproportionately high number of prominent positions within global political and financial institutions at the end of the 19th century, they were readily associated with the degradation of the proletariat.

“Jew moneylenders now control every Foreign Office in Europe” sniped the Social Democratic Federation’s (SDF) Justice paper in 1884. Labour leaders even saw the Boer War as a conspiracy of the Jews to grab the gold fields of South Africa.

Of course, some of this vitriol was consistent with views prevailing more broadly across society at the time. This does not excuse them, it is simply a reality. Today, with the history of Jewish persecution in the 20th century impossible to escape, one must tread much more carefully.

Corbyn has been clear over who he supports in the Middle East

Anti-semitism undoubtedly still exists among many segments of society, although to what extent is hard to gauge. With Israel linking almost every conceivable issue to religion and race – burnished by a right-wing government intent on destroying the two-state solution – it is easy to gain an impression that anti-semitic fervour is on the rise.

Corbyn has not helped himself with careless past comments in support of militant Palestinian groups – not to mention others around the world – and his unwillingness to draw a line under the anti-semitism row sooner makes any move or remark on his part now seem disingenuous.

At least this latest episode in his checkered political career will allow him to draw a parallel with Hardie, the darling of Labour socialism, however much he may want it to disappear.

Keir Hardie was a formidable champion of workers’ rights
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May Ignores Heath Folly and Pays the Ultimate Price

A couple of months ago, I mused in these pages whether Theresa May’s decision to call a snap general election would backfire, as it did when her predecessor Edward Heath took a similar decision back in February 1974.

As it transpires, May’s gamble has not paid off. Although her Conservative Party garnered the most votes in the 8th June election and remains the largest within the House of Commons, a surge by Labour has resulted in a hung parliament and the end of the Tory majority.

Theresa May’s tenure at 10 Downing Street looks increasingly untenable

The prelude, campaign and results of the 2017 general election mirror those of 1974. Tory overconfidence against a seemingly disunited opposition, a lacklustre campaign compounded by policy errors and weak manifestos, and ultimately a hung parliament (although it is worth noting that Heath’s Conservatives were not even the largest party, losing by 4 seats to Harold Wilson’s Labour).

As in 1974, also, the immediate future is unclear. May has vowed to soldier on as Prime Minister, even though her minority government is now reliant on an unlikely kingmaker to pass its desired legislation: the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The DUP sits even further to the right than the Tories on the political spectrum, its Eurosceptic, socially conservative views at odds with those of much of the British populace.

For years the DUP was led by the formidable Ian Paisley as a staunch opposition to Republicanism in Ireland

Even were May to win a loose alignment with the DUP – necessarily giving the Northern Irish party influence way beyond its 10 seats – she would still need to maintain the loyalty of Tory backbenchers, certainly not guaranteed.

The alternatives, however, are hardly appealing. May’s resignation would trigger a Tory leadership contest and probably another general election, something the British electorate is unlikely to have energy for.

Alternatively, there is the prospect of a minority Labour government under the stewardship of Jeremy Corbyn. Corbyn has proved himself a competent campaigner, his skills honed by years of futile protesting against almost every policy any government has ever advocated. The chances of him being an effective PM, however, are slim, with Labour’s wild campaign promises surely not capable of being fulfilled in government.

Corbyn has hailed Labour’s election defeat as a victory, yet it is unlikely that he would be able to live up to his campaign promises were he to become Prime Minister

Mrs May will know that Heath’s attempts to form a coalition government in 1974 failed, prompting his resignation. Wilson’s minority Labour government hung on until a second election of the year (held in October) delivered him a narrow majority.

With Brexit negotiations yet to begin in earnest, threats to Britain’s security seemingly increasing by the day, and economic recovery still ponderous, all we know for certain is that the country is in for an uncertain few months.

How Mrs May must regret not taking heed of history and allowing her majority, albeit narrow, to steer Britain ahead through the choppiest of waters.

Edward Heath heads to the polling station in 1974. He would be out of office within days